The Evolution of Method

In my lifelong learning class, Methods for Fostering Lifelong Learning, we are comparing three articles: Instructional Methods in Adult Education 1959 by Coolie Verner, Adult Learning Methods: A Guide for Effective Instruction Second Edition 1998 by Gary Conti and Rita Kolody, and The Fundamentals of Adult Education: Issues and Practices for Lifelong Learning 2001 by Anne Pooneassie. These articles discuss the methods used in adult education.  The historical trajectory of method, as seen in the chronological progression of these articles, evolves from knowledge transmission and needs analysis to support of empowerment, self-actualization, and ultimately, social change.

Dr. Coolie Verner recognized the need of pedagogical methods designed especially for adults. His article explored the research of methods and techniques in adult education and evaluated their impact based on the adoption of practices.  "The adoption ... of a specific practice that has been taught provides evidence of changes in behaviour and thus an evaluation of a learning activity" (Verner, p. 264).  The methods researched were media tools, literacy, distance education, and classroom meetings. Method was considered to be a way in which people were organized in an educational activity (Conti, p. 129).

 Dr Verner developed the 1st graduate program for Adult Education  

at the University of British Columbia in 1961.

Conti and Kolody spoke of the need for careful selection of method. The selection was based on combined needs of the teacher, the student, the content and situational factors. These elements formed a comprehensive framework referred to as the teaching-learning transaction (Conti, p. 131). The teacher is called upon to assess her educational philosophy which is demonstrated in her teaching style. In addition, the teacher's understanding of the five learning strategies give her insight into the appropriation of method (Conti, pp. 133-136). The area of content is similar to Verner's adoption in that it is based on knowledge acquisition; however, Conti and Kolody's article emphasized that learning is not linear process. The selection of method relies on the teacher-learner relationship as well as a comprehensive needs analysis for the successful transmission of knowledge.

Anne Poonwassie views the role of adult educators as facilitators of learning versus transmitters of information. The facilitators are required to set aside their authority and be authentic, thus creating an atmosphere of mutual learning and trust (Poonwassie, p. 150). “Based on humanist philosophy, the goal is to maximize human potential with the support of empathetic teachers who are themselves on a quest of self-discovery”(p. 150). The methods to foster lifelong learning include praxis and motivational techniques for self-directed learning. Ethical considerations are also emphasized in that the learner must be unconditionally respected. Expected outcomes are replaced by the hope that the learner will exercise control over his life, his interpersonal relationships, and his social structures.

The trajectory of method as seen in the reviewed articles has evolved into a realization that learning takes place anywhere, at any time, and beyond organized educational experiences.  The role of the facilitator is to foster the development of self-directed learning which dismisses the concepts of authority and knowledge acquisition, and promotes critical thinking about the world.

Cited Works

Conti, G., & Kolody, R. (1998).  About Learning Methods: A Guide for Effective Instruction Second Edition.  In M. Galbraith (Ed.), Adult Learning Methods: A Guide for Effective Instruction (pp. 129-139).
      Florida: Krieger Publishing Company.

Poonwassie, A. (2001).  Issues and Practices for Lifelong Learning. In A. & D. Poonwassie (Eds.), Fundamentals of Adult Education: Issues and Practices for Lifelong Learning (pp. 147-158).
      Toronto: Thompson Educational Publishing, Inc.

Verner, C. (1959).  Instructional Methods in Adult Education.  In Review of Educational Research, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 262-268.
       American Educational Research Association

The Myth of Individualism

My class in Designing Contexts for Lifelong Learning gave me the opportunity, within a group context, to apply the theories I learned in my previous class, Principles in Lifelong Learning. I was fortunate to work with three academically strong students. Although we split up the work, we reviewed and consulted with one another in person and through wikispaces. Wikispaces proved to be a great learning tool within our community of practice. Our group work was a positive experience as I learned a lot from my peers. Their understanding of certain aspects of the material helped me to more fully understand the content. Likewise, I was able to share my work experience within a prison environment which was the background vignette for our project. I was also able to relate Etienne Wenger's theory of social learning to our project since I had studied his work in my previous class. As we compared and critiqued learning theories as applied to our fictional vignette, I reflected on the fact that humans are social beings and  learn best through participation in group settings. This project caused me to ponder the amount of material I learned because of my participation in teamwork.  It was much more than I would have learned through an individual assignment.  As I reflect on this notion, I am interested in our society's focus individualism versus teamwork, and how individualism impacts on identity trajectories within communities of practice.

Teamwork is a buzz word in Canadian schools and corporations, however, it is difficult to foster within these competitive environments.   Canada, like the United States, is a nation based on individual freedom which is closely associated with individualism. 

In Canada and many Western societies, families, schools, and workplaces place a lot of importance on individual performance. Families raise their children to be independant, schools are based on knowledge acquisition, and workplaces are competitive, valuing the bottom line and not the employees. Individual achievement is a measure of success. However, excessive individualism makes for loose social connections and equates to a lack of social responsibility. Its overflow is found in our country's old-age homes, mental hospitals, prisons, and homelessness. According to a local charity for the homeless, Raise the Roof,  some non-governmental sources estimate Canada’s true homeless population, not just those living in emergency shelters, to be between 200,000 and 300,000.

In the Geert-Hofstede cultural scale of individualism versus collectivism, Canada scored 80 on a scale of 0 to 100 (with 0 being collectivism and 100 being individualism). Of the 68 countries listed, Canada is the fourth for individualism.  See full list here. So what is individualism? Basically, it is the pursuit of personal happiness and independence rather than collective goals or interests. It is the belief that society exists for the benefit of individual people and not vice versa. Essentially, individualism equates with freedom. However, I would argue that individualism is an oppressive force hidden within the power structures of our society. It targets identity formation as seen in materialism and consumerism. Individualism is so ingrained in our culture that we rarely take note of its existence, let alone judge it as an oppressive reality.

The myth of individualism falls in line with Paulo Freire's notion of manipulation: "The people are manipulated by yet another myth: the model of itself which the bourgeoisie presents to the people as the possibility for their own ascent (Freire, 1970, p. 147) here. This is evident considering the personal debt load held by many Canadians. According to the TransUnion, a Chicago-based credit specialist, "the average Canadian had almost $26,000 on his or her credit card, bank lines of credit and other borrowing vehicles — excluding mortgages — during the January-to-March [2011] period. That amount represented a jump of more than $1,200 compared to the same three months one year earlier [2010]". See article here. Debt is viewed as a natural consequence in society as people acquire the material goods that the media purports as necessary for the good life. Thus lies the contradiction between individualism and freedom. 

The scientific method of education taught in schools contributes to the myth of individualism. In essence, students are taught what to think and not how to think while their participation in the classroom community of practice emphasizes good behaviour, competition and individual achievement. The scientific method falls in line with Paulo Freire's banking approach to education where the teacher has all of the knowledge and the students are empty receptacles waiting to be filled (Freire, 1970, p. 73). However, students arrive at a community with the knowledge that they have gained from their families and other communities of practice. Unfortunately, knowledge attained in an informal setting is not valued in our society.

Consequently, educators make assumptions about what the students need to learn as they plan a prescribed curriculum that aligns with the power interests in society. Our group project identified reasons why the scientific model does not work in a prison setting. Most importantly, the educator does not involve the learner in the planning stages of program development. Inmates are told that they need to internalize knowledge and skills to make them pro-social. This is not so different from school where as students, they were told what to learn in order to be successful. According to Wenger, the experience merely extends the trajectory and institutional identity that schooling has offered them (Wenger, 1998, p. 270) here.

When learning conflicts with meaningful identity, some learners form identity trajectories to the margins of society. The embedded notions of individualism are responsible for fostering the attitude that society cannot or should not be changed. Blame is nearly always directed toward the individuals: the homeless, the poor, the offender, the bankrupt. The discourse centres around the individuals to change and become contributing members of society rather than making changes to society.  However, it is society that needs to change in an effort to support the collective.  Unfortunately, the assumption is that bad individuals make up a bad society. But where do these individuals come from? They come out of an educational system that does not meet their needs. 

Recognizing the Other

The discourse of the hysteric pedagogy, otherwise known as protest or resistance pedagogy, focuses on the suffering and alienation of the subaltern.  The hysteric pedagogy can be radically empowering to the subaltern or those who identify with the subaltern plight (Bracher, 2006, p. 96).  Social movements like feminism and gay rights are born of this type of pedagogy.  However, there are some critical weaknesses in the hysteric pedagogy as Mark Bracher points out in his book, Radical Pedagogy: Identity, Generativity and Social Transformation 2006.  Specifically, teachers of hysteric pedagogy seek to expose and reject the master signifier/oppressor which creates further divisions.  And while teachers seek social justice for the law-abiding subaltern, they demonize the Other/criminal (Bracher, p. 98).  I will explore how the teacher's identity needs harms the growth and development of student identities and halts social progress. 

Significant identity damage comes from the teachers' need to expose and reject master signifiers that they regard as oppressive (Bracher, p. 98).   The harm produced is most notable in cases where students themselves appear to embody the master signifiers that the teachers find oppressive.  In such cases, teachers
often respond with “oppositional pedagogy,” (as cited in Strickland, 1991) which entails “identifying and confronting the subject positions of [the] students — a practice that constitutes a direct assault on the students’ identities" (Bracher, 98).

To illustrate, I recall an experience in one of my undergraduate Anthropology classes where the teacher was explaining to the class how capitalist corporations were exploiting  poorer countries by paying the workers fifty cents per hour.  A classmate who was majoring in economics commented that the corporations were providing jobs to people in otherwise destitute regions and that the salaries paid went a long way in poor countries.  Although I did not agree with my classmate, I felt bad for him because the teacher took the next ten minutes to attack him in front of the class.  I think it would have been more helpful to the student and to the class if the teacher had opened up the topic to class discussion.  The student would have been recognized and his point of view (held by many) would have been discussed in a non-identity threatening manner.  As it happened, the student dropped the class and the remaining students were not open in sharing views that differed from the teacher.  Thus, learning was hindered and the teacher's oppositional position was not unlike an authoritarian pedagogy.
 
Ironically, the delivery of the hysteric pedagogy is similar to the delivery of authoritarian pedagogy which is used to oppress the subaltern groups.  In his book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed 1970, Paulo Freire's refers to the banking concept of education: "knowledge is a gift bestowed by those who consider themselves knowledgeable upon those whom they consider to know nothing" (Freire, 72).  "The teacher's task is to ... 'fill' the students by making deposits of information which he or she considers to constitute true knowledge" (Freire, p. 76).  Freire further talks about the importance of dialogue which leads to reflection and action but he cautions that the dialogue should not be a hostile, polemical argument (Freire, p.89).  When the cause becomes doctrine and  canon, the teaching reflects more of a authoritarian and establishment pedagogy (Bracher, p. 98).  As a consequence, delivery of the hysteric pedagogy takes an oppressive form.

Although the teachers of hysteric pedagogy seek to alleviate alienation and suffering, they fail to acknowledge the identities of the Other/criminal.  Ultimately, the teachers refuse to see the connection between poverty and crime and therefore they are ineffective in social change.  An article entitled, Poverty and Crime 2008, examines the connection between poverty and crime: "... a social class suffering from want and need is far more likely to produce individuals who will engage in criminal activities, than the social classes that are well off.  This is particularly true of young people in impoverished situations" (para. 2).  They are exposed to a greater temptation to steal and to become involved with gangs that sustain themselves by such criminal means as drug dealing and extortion.

Certainly the omission of connecting poverty and crime extends beyond the hysteric pedagogy and reflects the larger society as a whole.  Many people acknowledge their identity signifers such as good, pro-social and caring that are enabled from demonizing the criminal as bad, anti-social and uncaring.  According to Bracher, literature teachers focus on Others that are similar to ourselves - or the parts of ourselves that we acknowledge (p. 99).  To acknowledge the aggressive and violent aspects of our own humanity is too much of a threat to our own damaged, superior identities.  However, by not acknowledging the flaws of human nature within each of us, we deny the Others the support and opportunities to make better choices.

In my theology studies, I learned about a fictional character, Father Brown, who solved his crimes through a strict reasoning process more concerned with spiritual and philosophic truths rather than scientific details.  In one of the stories entitled, The Secret of Father Brown 1937, he is asked how it was that he solves crimes so well.  After some silence, he says, “I thought and thought about how a man might come to be like that, until I realized that I really was like that, in everything except actual final consent to the action (Chesterson, 1974).   Therefore, Father Brown imagined himself as the perpetrator and he was able to solve the crime.  He identified himself as capable of committing the crime with the only difference being that he chooses not to.  

I recently listened to Dr Maya Angelou, now in her 80's, who was featured on Oprah's Master Class 2010.  I was moved by her life lessons and her compassion for the Others.  I wrote down one of her quotes: “I am capable of what every other human being is capable of.  This is one of the great lessons of war and life.” I believe that it takes this kind of humility to make a difference in the world.  When we identify the Other within ourselves, we will no longer demonize the criminal as we acknowledge and integrate the unpleasant aspects of our humanity into our own identities.  Only then will we be in a better position to recognize and help others find healing and direction to make better choices.

It is apparent that the hysteric pedagogy comes from a heart to help others.  However, the teacher's identity needs to expose and reject the oppressor lead to further conflict.  In order to seek understanding, discourse needs to replace oppositional arguments.  The teacher's need to expose the oppressor is quite ironic considering the demonization of the Other/criminal is a form of oppression.  Identity signifiers such as "good" and "just" automatically alienates those who are labeled as "bad" and "unlawful".  In order to put these identity signifiers aside, teachers need to acknowledge their own negative qualities within themselves rather than externalize those qualities and attack them in the Other, thus perpetuating the Other’s traumatization (p. 99).  Otherwise, the alienation and oppression will be reproduced in student identities, thus negatively impacting them and society. 

Bibliography of Secondary Sources

Lacan, Jacques. Ecrits: A Selection. Trans. Alan Sheridan. New York: Norton, 1977.
——. The Ethics of Psychoanalysis. The Seminar of Jacques Lacan, Book VII,
ed. Jacques-Alain Miller. Trans. Dennis Porter. New York: Norton, 1992.
——. The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis. Trans. Alan Sheridan. NewYork: Norton, 1977.

Strickland, Ronald. “Confrontational Pedagogy and the Introductory Literature
Course.” In Practicing Theory in Introductory College Literature Courses, ed. James M. Cahalan and David B. Downing. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 1991. 115–130.

Recognition and Rehabilitation

In my Lifelong Learning class, we are reading Mark Bracher's Book, Radical Pedagogy 2006, which examines a psychoanalytic approach to learning.   Bracher talks about the importance of development and integration of three identity registers: affective-physiological (emotion), imagistic (body) and linguistic (language) for healthy identity formation.  These three registers are neither static nor distinct, but rather they are dynamic and fluid as they serve to either influence or impede learning.  The key to learning and development in these identity registers is recognition.  Recognition is the motivational force that determines most human activity including learning.  For example, wealth and material possessions are not ends in themselves but ways for us to be assured of recognition (p. 22).  In the same way, recognition is also the catalyst behind social problems including crime.  I would like to explore Bracher's theory of recognition and identity in the context of my experience working with female federal offenders.  (Please note that I have used female offender and woman/women interchangeably.)

 

In my current role as a parole officer, my job is to analyze the level of risk inmates present to themselves and society.  Once the risk areas are identified, the Correctional Intervention Board (CIB) makes recommendations for program interventions in an effort to reduce the identified risk areas.  There are seven risk areas that I assess: substance abuse, personal/emotional, associates, marital/family, attitude, community functioning and education/employment.  I have observed that it is very common for women offenders who have substance abuse problems to suffer from personal/emotional difficulties.  Personal/emotional issues usually include mental health problems brought on from past abuse experiences. Drugs and alcohol serve as coping mechanisms to numb painful  emotions.  The results impact and inhibit learning in every area of a woman offender's life including the other risk areas listed above.  For example, the average grade level of a female offender is grade 7.  The majority of female offenders has suffered damage to the personal/emotional risk area, which corresponds to Bracher's affective-physiological identity register.  


When the maladaptive coping mechanisms like mind-altering substances are  removed, raw emotions emerge and completely overwhelm many female offenders. The treatment offered to address emotional distress and the accompanying behavioural difficulties is Dialectical Behavioural Therapy (DBT).  Female offenders voluntarily enter an intensive treatment unit called the Structured Living Environment (SLE) where they have in-class instruction and staff support to help them implement their new skills.  One of DBT's premises is to recognize the link between thoughts, feelings and behaviours.  For example, if I think that you are spreading rumours about me, I will dislike you and find some friends to help me beat you up.  The link between thoughts, feelings and behaviours seems like a simple concept, in that, once a woman can identify her hurt and angry feelings, she will be able to stop her acting-out behaviour.  However, I soon learned that many of the women could not make the link because they could not identify how they were feeling.

Bracher asserts that alexithymia, the inability to name one's affective-physiological states, is a major integrative deficiency that impacts on identity (p. 65).  "Being out of touch with one's feelings deprives one of the most fundamental evidence of one's ongoing being, the core of one's sense of self" (p. 65).  One of the ways to deal with overwhelming feelings that cannot be expressed is to alter one's mind with substances (p. 65).

DBT provides treatment tools to help the women offenders identify and understand their overwhelming emotions.  One of the treatment tools is called an Emotion Worksheet. The women offenders are encouraged to fill out these sheets whenever they experience an overwhelming emotion that they cannot identify.  The sheet prompts them to describe the emotion, the prompting event, their physical sensations, their action urges, the resulting behaviour(s), and their after-effect of the emotion.  Participation in the community of practice of the mental health unit allows the female offender to learn to feel her emotions as outlined in the reified worksheet.  

The understanding and feeling of emotions will help the emotionally-deficient woman offender develop her affective-physiological identity register.  The emotions will also serve as a function in the woman's day-to-day activities.  In his book, Emotional Intelligence 1995, Daniel Goleman makes reference to the emotional mind and the rational mind.  The emotional mind is impulsive and springs into action without consideration, whereas the rational mind is analytic, deliberate and slower to respond (p. 291).  DBT refers to the combination of the emotional mind and the rational mind as the wise mind.  The diagram below illustrates the wise mind as it intersects the emotional mind and the rational/reasonable mind.   

Support staff have a critical role to play as the woman offender begins her healing journey.  Staff recognize through validation the woman's efforts and any new pro-social behaviours.  The validation includes acknowledgement, encouragement, and social engagement.  When a woman in treatment exhibits maladaptive behaviours, staff disengage any social activity and are careful not to give negative attention.  Treatment tools are encouraged and staff interactions are matter-of-fact.  Typically, the woman expects and wants negative attention because it reaffirms her identity.  Bracher asserts that different people have different vitality affects, the feeling of aliveness, at the core of their identities.  For some, anger provides the greatest vitality affect (p. 46).  The challenge is to engage and validate the woman when she is demonstrating positive behaviours so that she can experience new vitality affects. 

Certainly, a prison is not the best place to learn and develop a new identity.  The loss of freedom and influences of a negative peer group automatically constitute prison as a negative learning environment.  It is quite common to see a female offender's affective-physiological register in opposition to a context of her imagistic or linguistic register, such as the oppositions between affects of tenderness and an identity-bearing signifier such as "tough" (Bracher, p. 60).  If a female offender has achieved recognition for being tough, she will perceive participation in programs as weak, even though she may want to get help.  Therefore, her identity is in conflict.

Recognition for positive behaviours will help female offenders as they journey on their long paths to healing.  As women offenders come to terms with their pasts without the aid of mind-altering substances, they learn to deal with and experience their unpleasant emotions.  As they enter into an intense treatment unit like the SLE community of practice and participate in DBT, the women learn how to integrate their affective-physiological states into their identity.  Although there are many challenges to learning, including conflict between identity registers, growth is possible.

Struggle for Identity

In my Lifelong Learning class, we recently watched the Academy Award-winning movie Crash, directed by Paul Haffis, 2004.  Our professor challenged us to watch the film from the perspective of how people learn and find identity within and between communities of practice. Set in present-day Los Angeles, several stories about racial and social tensions interweave within a two-day period and reflect how rigid boundaries reject the meanings of other cultures thereby creating creating conflict, stereotypes, and power struggles.  Sometimes individuals find themselves balancing membership within two competing communities of practice.  An ensuing struggle for identity occurs as individuals seek to find their place within each group.  

The movie, Crash, portrays how identity is impacted by the demands of multimembership within communities of practice that oppose each other. One character, Cameron is a very successful Hollywood film director, who happens to be African-American. His participation and success within his workplace has marginalized him within his own ethnic group. Rigid boundaries contribute to stereotypes and unfortunately the stereotype of a black man living in Los Angeles is not that of a successful film director. 

In his book, Communities of Practice 1998, Etienne Wenger says that full participation in one boundary often means marginalization in the other.  Being inside a community of practice implies, and is largely defined in terms of, being outside of the other community of practice.  Non-participation then is a defining constituent of participation. This situation makes boundary crossing difficult because each side is defined by opposition to the other and membership in one community implies marginalization in another. Multimembership requires some work to reconcile the different forms of membership that corresponds to a single identity (p. 159).

The resulting conflict of Cameron's multimembership within his family, work and ethnic group largely impacts on his  identity.  During an argument, Cameron's wife, Christine, tells him that he is not black because he does not know the hardships that come with being black in L.A.  At work, his colleague tells him that a black actor was not speaking “black enough" and he tells Cameron to shoot the scene again. These covert and subtle acts of racism are difficult for Cameron to process. As Cameron participates in his work practice, he moves further to the margins within his own ethnic group.

In contrast, the overt acts of a racist, white police officer redirects Cameron's trajectory  within his own oppressed cultural group.  Cameron's dignity and power are taken away when he is pulled over for a supposed traffic violation.  Under the guise of a pat-down search, Officer Ryan sexually molests Christine.  Ryan then gives Cameron and his wife the choice of being arrested for the traffic violation or apologizing to him and going home. Numb, Cameron decides to apologize and go home.  Later as he and his wife argue, it is clear that Cameron felt powerless because he is a black man up against a racist, white police officer with a gun.  Cameron's powerlessness caused him to identify more fully within his own cultural group.  He realized that his identity as a black man in L.A. left him powerless and that even his position of affluence as a successful film director could not afford his or his wife's dignity.

Later in the movie, Cameron comes face-to-face with black car-jackers who fit the cultural stereotype he has tried hard to escape.  It is interesting that Cameron chooses to fight back.  It could simply be that he has reached a breaking point, but I think there is significance in his action to fight the black men who try to steal his vehicle. In essence, he is fighting the stereotype he deals with everyday of his life both covertly and overtly. When the police come upon the fight, Cameron challenges them and refuses to submit to their commands thereby becoming the stereotype that the police expect. When the ordeal ends, Cameron tells the speechless car-jacker that he embarrasses both Cameron and himself.

In an interesting twist, Cameron then seeks to reclaim a part of his identity within his cultural group when he joins other black youth and men who are throwing garbage into a burning car. His experience of oppression causes him to fight back.  As a result, Cameron renegotiates his identity within his cultural group, leaves the margins and redirects his trajectory towards the centre of his cultural community of practice.   

Cameron's identity crisis causes him to constantly relocate his position within each community of practice's social landscape (p. 167).  In order to be successful at work, Cameron chooses not to participate within his cultural community of practice.  Wenger refers to non-participation as strategy whereby identity lays outside of his culture (p. 170).  Of course, Cameron's choice is dictated to him through the systemic racism referred to by Wenger as Institutional non-participation (p. 169).

Identities are not something we turn off and on (Wenger, 159).  We can act a certain way within one community of practice and a totally different way within another community of practice.  However, we carry our memberships with us and we constantly reconcile our different forms of membership within a single identity (p. 159).  For Cameron, reconciliation was difficult because he was a member within two opposing communities of practice.

Cameron's struggle rings true for many minorities throughout North America and Europe.  Cultural communities of practice have been stereotyped, which makes crossing over to other communities of practice difficult.  As seen in Cameron's case, the reconciliation work was not harmonious and the process was not done once and for all.  As long as racism continues to form divisions and rigid boundaries, multimembership will involve ongoing tensions that will never be resolved (p. 160). 

The Negotiation of Meaning at Work.

As I read Etienne Wenger's book, Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning, and Identity 1998, I considered my experiences as a corrections officer and the changes within my community of practice at my place of employment since I started my career in 2001.  The reification of a major document called Creating Choices 1990, shaped a new kind of corrections for female offenders: one that emphasized their needs versus security-related issues.  Over time, however, the social and historical implications that supported a more security-related practice seemed to strengthen with the emergence of a new union. Women's corrections would be redirected on another new path.

As a result, my role has been shaped and reshaped as I continue to negotiate meaning within my community of practice.  Wenger tells us that meaning is influenced by the continuous negotiation between participation and reification (p. 54, 55). Participation is a complex process that is both personal and social, and combines doing, talking, thinking, and belonging (p. 56).  Reification is the process by which an abstract concept is treated as though it were a concrete thing or a physical object.  For example, a law is an abstract idea until it is written down and projected into the world (p. 58).  Reification guides participation within a group while participation provides a context for reification (p. 68).

The diagram below provides a visual of the interplay between the duality of reification and participation. 

When the Prison for Women (PFW) located in Kingston, ON closed in 2000, women's corrections in Canada changed direction. This turnabout was primarily due to the many investigations of PFW over the years that criticized the over-incarceration of women.  One such investigation was referred to as the 1990 Task Force for Federally Sentenced Women.  Its report, Creating Choices, focused on social justice issues and had the following criticisms: the centralized location of the prison kept many female offenders away from their families; the secure construction of the building was equivalent to a male maximum security prison which was not necessary for many of the female offenders; and, the program interventions were not gender-specific as they were originally developed for male offenders.  The findings and recommendations provided the landscape for a new era in women's corrections.

Consequently, the recommendations outlined in the Creating Choices document included the opening of five federal facilities across the country so that female offenders could be closer to their families.  The facilities reflected communal living and new programs were developed specifically for women offenders.  In 1995, Creating Choices was referred to as a living document, when Nova Institution for Women, the first of five federal women's institutions, opened in Truro, Nova Scotia.  The cement walls and steel bars of PFW were replaced with townhouses.  The absence of the fence, though, was optimistic and short-lived, once the female offenders began to walk away.

The Creating Choices document became the focus for the negotiation of meaning, as policy makers used the document to organize the various communities of practices found within the women's prisons (Wenger, p. 59).  In 2001, when I started my career, women's corrections was still in its infancy and the Creating Choices document defined my role as a corrections officer within a women's prison.  For example, instead of being called a corrections officer, my title was primary worker; and, instead of wearing a uniform, I wore civilian clothes.  The role required dynamic security which entailed a lot of interactions between the officers and the inmates. This dynamic security was considerably different from the static posts found in male prisons.  The very structure of these static posts minimized the interactions between officers and inmates. Of course, it was easier to provide dynamic security in a female institution since the numbers of federally-sentenced women are much smaller than that of federally-sentenced men.

As a consequence of the changes implemented, the relationships between corrections officers working in women's institutions and corrections officers working in men's institutions became strained (Wenger, p. 114, 115). Although both groups trained together and consulted with one another on an ongoing basis, primary workers in women's institutions needed a university degree to be accepted into basic training whereas corrections officers working in male institutions required only a grade 10 education.  The university requirement was added because primary workers in women's institutions had a considerable amount of casework duties compared to their counterparts in men's institutions.  Therefore, corrections officers working in male prisons could not easily transfer into a women's prisons like they could to another male prison.  In order to transfer, officers required not only a university degree, but they were required to take a course called Women Centred Principles.  If they failed the test, they would not be permitted to transfer to a women's prison. However, these same officers denied full access to our community of practice were given temporary and partial access to cover staffing shortages.

The reificaton of the Creating Choices document defined my participation within my community of practice. The reificaton was reinforced by advocacy groups such as Elizabeth Fry Society and the Citizens Advisory Committee. According to Wenger, these groups are examples of a periphery of practice which has opened the service up to public scrutiny (Wenger, p. 117). My participation and that of my colleagues provided a context for the Creating Choices document.

According to Wenger, participation is characterized by mutual recognition which is a source of identity (p. 56). In 2001, the identities of corrections officers across the country were strengthened through mutual recognition when they voted to form the Union of Canadian Correctional Officers (UCCO); a union that would represent their specific needs. Previously, corrections officers were represented by Public Service Alliance Committee (PSAC) which represents a variety of different government workers.

Participation in UCCO unified corrections officers working in women's and men's institutions. The meanings of inequalities were subsequently negotiated. The fact that primary workers and corrections officers have the same classification and pay scale created tensions in terms of differences in case work. The cost of clothing was also an issue for the non-uniformed officer. Over time, primary workers lost many of their case management duties. In 2003, uniforms were implemented in women's institutions. The term primary worker still exists but officers in women's institutions now identify themselves as correctional officers. A university degree is no longer required to work within a women's prison.

Wenger would identity the union's role as that of a boundary practice (p. 114). The participation of corrections officers who work in women's prisons in the boundary practice has redefined their role within their own communities of practice. The union's concern for staff safety has again changed the infrastructure of women's corrections with the construction of maximum security units. The reification of Creating Choices is still present; however, it no longer predominates the practice. A possible reason might be that participation in the boundary practice of UCCO has created a much larger social and historical contexts in which to negotiate meaning.

As I continue to negotiate meaning in an ever-changing environment, my goal is to balance the principles of Creating Choices with my security-related duties. Wenger warns about danger of participating in a boundary practice to the point where it becomes insulated from the practices they are supposed to connect (p. 115). In practice, I am an executive member of my union and I facilitate Women Centred Training for new recruits. I have learned that these dualities are important as I negotiate meaning within my community of practice.

Apprenticeship: A Model Of Effective Learning.

In my Lifelong Learning Processes class 2011, we continue to explore the ways in which humans learn. We have just finished reading, Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation 1991, by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger. Legitimate peripheral participation is a process by which an individual learns through active engagement in a community of practice.  Lave and Wenger have based their work on legitimate peripheral participation on case studies that reflect learning through apprenticeship. Initially, I wondered why the authors considered forms of apprenticeship, rather than the educational school system, as models for effective learning. Through closer examination and class discussions, the concepts of legitimate peripheral participation and effective learning became clearer. In this blog, I will first draw your attention to learning as social practice and will then look at the effectiveness of learning through apprenticeship and the ineffectiveness of learning through the school system.

The diagram below illustrates how a newcomer enters into a community of practice.  As the newcomer enters into a practice, she remains on the periphery and is engaged in hands-on learning which is referred to as "situated learning" (Lave and Wenger, p. 31).  Over time, as the newcomer learns the practice in which she is engaged, she moves toward the core of the community of practice; thereby, changing her status from a newcomer to an old-timer.  Learning therefore is an evolving form of membership (p. 53). 

Moreover, situated learning involves the construction of identities (Lave and Wenger, p. 53).  "As an aspect of social practice, learning involves the whole person; it implies not only a relation to specific activities, but to a relation to social communities - it implies becoming a full participant, a member, a kind of person" (p. 53). With this in mind, Lave and Wenger examine apprenticeship in terms of how people engage holistically into a practice and learn without necessarily being taught their crafts.  The relationship with their masters is one of mentorship and learning through participation is the focus. 


One of the case studies that Lave and Wenger chose for a community of practice was the apprenticeship of Yucatec (Mexican) midwives.  The young women were the daughters of experienced midwives and the specialized knowledge was passed down within the families (Lave and Wenger, p. 66).  The interesting aspect of the young midwives' learning was that no teaching effort was recognized at all.  The specific knowledge was simply gained in the process of growing up (p. 68).  Over many years, the young women proceeded from the periphery to full participation within the community of practice by a series of social learning practices which included: observing the lives of their mothers; hearing stories of difficult deliveries; collecting herbs; running errands; accompanying their mothers; providing massages; and, delivering babies.  Full participation is reached with the delivery of the placenta which significant to the Yucatan culture (p. 67, 68, 69).


The young midwives understood themselves and forged their identities through participation in their social environments.  This kind of social learning parallels Michael Tomasello's reference to culture as an ontogenetic niche.   In his book, The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition 1999, Tomasello asserts that "the human cultural environment sets the context for the cognitive development of children: as cognitive 'habitus' and as a source of active instruction from adults" (Tomasello, p. 79).  Habitus refers to "engaging in the normal practices of the people with whom she grows up ..." (p. 79).  Learning in this sense is synonymous with cultural stimuli.


Of course, some forms of apprenticeship are more explicit in terms of instruction as children move away from domestic production in which they learned subsistence skills from their same-sex parent to learning a specialized occupation from a specialist master (Lave & Wenger, p. 69).  However, situated learning remains the focus of the experience and not that of the instruction. 

In fact, the apprenticeship of Vai and Gola Tailors (Liberia) demonstrate that situated learning is more effective than instruction because it does not merely reproduce the sequence of production processes. The learning curriculum actually reverses the production steps so apprentices begin by learning the finishing stages of producing a garment. They then go on to learn to sew the garment, and only later learn to cut out the design.  As the apprentices handle garments by attaching buttons and hemming cuffs, they focus on the broad outlines of garment construction. The sewing turns their attention to logic order, which explains why the garments are cut out in their design.  This reverse ordering provides hands-on logic and minimizes the experiences of failure (Lave and Wenger, p. 72).


Now compare these situated learning experiences to abstract concepts taught within a teaching curriculum of the school systems.  When children are being taught math in a classroom, they are not engaged in math but rather they are engaged in the dynamics of the classroom.  Therefore, the community of practice is not a carpentry shop or an engineering workshop; but rather, the community of practice is a classroom. The primary acquired learning objective in the community of practice of the classroom is how to abide by the rules under the authority of a teacher.  In an article entitled, The Curriculum of Necessity or What Must an Educated Person Know?, educator, John Taylor Gatto, exclaimed that "schools are a means of behavioral, attitudinal indoctrination, places in which the development of the mind is only a rhetorical genuflection" (Gatto, para. 10).


The video below features John Taylor Gatto, a visionary school teacher who works within a system of which he is greatly critical.  Gatto teaches in the classroom because he has to, but his real curriculum combines independent study, class field projects, community services and apprenticeships.  He works hard at getting kids out of the classroom and into the community so the kids can forge their own identities.  He asserts that the formation of identity cannot take place when an authority figure is filling your head on a constant basis. 

A teaching curriculum, therefore, limits resources as the focus projects to the teacher, the classroom rules, and to the abstract views of knowing (Lave & Wenger, p. 97). The classroom takes children out of their social worlds, seats them in rows, monitors their movement, corrects their behaviour, stifles their creativity, and exchanges the value of their learning for test scores.  As a result, learning the expected outcomes becomes secondary (p. 68).  On the other hand, learning curriculums that occur in apprenticeships are social, and occur in the course of daily life.  It may not be recognized as teaching at all (p. 68). 

This is not to say that learning through apprenticeship is perfect.  Sometimes it is difficult for the participant to penetrate the boundary of a community of practice.  Sometimes the old-timers are not receptive to newcomers and therefore learning is inhibited (p. 76).  Sometime the commoditization of labour, as seen in Lave and Wenger's example of the apprenticeship of meat cutters, transforms apprentices into unskilled labourers, denying them access to activities in the arenas of mature practice (p. 76).  Certainly, access and legitimacy are fundamental to peripheral participation in a community of practice and are central to learning and identity (p. 85).  

Learning involves the construction of identities and that is why it is crucial that the predominant educational system be transformed to provide students with apprenticeship opportunities.  The educational school system is a bad experience for far too many minds who have been disillusioned with the frustrations of abstract learning.  Indeed, comprehensive understanding involves the whole person rather than receiving a body of factual knowledge about the world (Lave and Wenger, p. 33).   Legitimate peripheral participation in a community of practice allows students to understand their learning (p. 33).